This came to me from an education list (hence the opening remark from Jerry 
Bracey).

I thought this interview and the book it introduces would be of interest to 
some on here. It makes an effective case that slavery did NOT end in the 
19th century.

Anne

Anne Pemberton
[log in to unmask]
http://www.erols.com/apembert
http://www.educationalsynthesis.org
----- Original Message ----- 
From: GERALD BRACEY
To: [log in to unmask] ; [log in to unmask] ; 
[log in to unmask]
Sent: Wednesday, July 02, 2008 10:44 AM
Subject: [eddra] Fw: 'Slavery by Another Name'


A slightly different take on the creation of an "achievement gap." So
stunning I might throw up.

Jerry

----- Original Message ----- 
From: <[log in to unmask]>
To: <[log in to unmask]>
Sent: Tuesday, July 01, 2008 10:50 PM
Subject: 'Slavery by Another Name'

> Bill Moyers Interview: 'Slavery by Another Name'
>
> <http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/06202008/watch2.html>
> June 20, 2008
>
> BILL MOYERS: That was just a portion of the film. When
> "Traces of the Trade" airs on P.O.V. next week, Katrina
> Browne and several of her kinfolk follow the path of
> those ships to the West Coast of Africa, on to Cuba,
> where the DeWolfs owned a huge slave plantation, and
> then back again to new England, where an orderly economy
> run by pious, church-going people prospered from their
> bargain with the devil. You'll hear those modern DeWolfs
> struggling to come to terms with what they've learned
> about their "crazy partnership" with silence between the
> present and the past. Denial of course was not unique to
> the DeWolf family. Every time I walked downtown where I
> grew up in Texas, I passed the statue of Johnny Reb,
> facing east toward Richmond, the capitol of the
> Confederacy, reminding us of the bravery of gallant men
> who fought and died to protect a way of life .
> Tragically, it was a way of life built around slavery.
>
> BILL MOYERS: At one time there were thousands of slaves
> in our county. And after Richmond fell to Union troops,
> my home town became, briefly, the military headquarters
> of the Confederacy. But in twelve years of public
> schools I cannot remember one of the teachers I deeply
> cherished describe slavery for what it was. Nor did
> they, or anyone I knew, talk about how our town's dark
> and tortured past in restoring white supremacy after the
> Civil War, prevented the emancipated slaves from
> realizing the freedom they had been promised. Across the
> South, from Texas and Louisiana to the Carolinas,
> thousands of freed black Americans simply were arrested,
> often on trumped up charges, and coerced into forced
> labor. And that persisted right up into the 1940s, when
> I was still a boy.
>
> BILL MOYERS: Look at these pictures. Those photographs
> are from one of the most stunning new books you'll read
> this year, Slavery by Another Name. The author is
> Douglas Blackmon, the Atlanta bureau chief of the Wall
> Street Journal. His articles on race, wealth and other
> issues have been nominated for Pulitzer Prizes four
> times. His reporting on U.S.Steel and the company's use
> of forced labor was included in the 2003 edition of Best
> Business Stories, and his contribution to the Journal's
> coverage of Hurricane Katrina received a Special
> Headliner Award in 2006. Welcome.
>
> This is truly the most remarkable piece of reporting I
> have read in a long time. I honestly cannot recommend it
> highly enough. What you report is that no sooner did the
> slave owners, businessmen of the South, lose the Civil
> War, then they turned around, and in complicity with
> state and local governments and industry, reinvented
> slavery by another name. And what was the result?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Well, the result was that by the time
> you got to the end of the 19th century, 25 or 30 years
> after the Civil War, the generation of slaves who'd been
> freed by the Emancipation Proclamation, and then the
> constitutional amendments that ended slavery legally
> this generation of people, who experienced authentic
> freedom in many respects tough life, difficult hard
> lives after the Civil War but real freedom, in which
> they voted, they participated in government.
>
> BILL MOYERS: They farmed?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: They farmed. They carved out
> independent lives. But then, this terrible shadow began
> to fall back across black life in America, that
> effectively re-enslaved enormous numbers of people. And
> what that was all about, what that was rooted in, was
> that the southern economic, and in a way, the American
> economy, was addicted to slavery, was addicted to forced
> labor. And the South could not resurrect itself.
>
> And so, there was this incredible economic imperative to
> bring back coerced labor. And they did, on a huge scale.
>
> BILL MOYERS: You said they did it by criminalizing black
> life.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Well, and that was that was a charade.
> But the way that happened was that, of course, before
> the Civil War, there were Slave Codes. There were laws
> that governed the behavior of slaves. And that was the
> basis of laws, for instance, that made it where a slave
> had to have a written pass to leave their plantation and
> travel on an open road.
>
> Well, immediately after the Civil War, all the southern
> states adopted a new set of laws that were then called
> Black Codes. And they essentially attempted to recreate
> the Slave Codes. Well, those that was such an obvious
> effort to recreate slavery, that the Union military
> leadership that was still in the South, overruled all of
> that. Still, that didn't work. And by the time you get
> to the end of Reconstruction, all the southern
> legislatures have gone back and passed laws that aren't
> called Black Codes, but essentially criminalized a whole
> array of activities, that it was impossible for a poor
> black farmer to avoid encountering in some way.
>
> BILL MOYERS: Such as?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Vagrancy. So, vagrancy was a law that
> essentially, it simply, you were breaking the law if you
> couldn't prove at any given moment that you were
> employed. Well, in a world in which there were no pay
> stubs, it was impossible to prove you were employed. The
> only way you could prove employment was if some man who
> owned land would vouch for you and say, he works for me.
> And of course, none of these laws said it only applies
> to black people. But overwhelmingly, they were only
> enforced against black people. And many times, thousands
> of times I believe, you had young black men who
> attempted to do that. They ended up being arrested and
> returned to the original farmer where they worked in
> chains, not even a free worker, but as a slave.
>
> BILL MOYERS: And the result, as you write, thousands of
> black men were arrested, charged with whatever, jailed,
> and then sold to plantations, railroads, mills, lumber
> camps and factories in the deep South. And this went on,
> you say, right up to World War II?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: And it was everywhere in the South.
> These forced labor camps were all over the place. The
> records that still survive, buried in courthouses all
> over the South, make it abundantly clear that thousands
> and thousands of African-Americans were arrested on
> completely specious claims, made up stuff, and then,
> purely because of this economic need and the ability of
> sheriffs and constables and others to make money off
> arresting them, and that providing them to these
> commercial enterprises, and being paid for that.
>
> BILL MOYERS: You have a photograph in here I have
> literally not been able to get this photograph out of my
> mind since I saw it the first time several weeks ago,
> when I first got your book. It's a photograph of an
> unnamed prisoner tied around a pickaxe for punishment in
> a Georgia labor camp. It was photographed some time
> around 1932, which this is hard to believe was two years
> before I was born.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Well, that picture was taken by a
> journalist named John Spivak, who took an astonishing
> series of pictures in these forced labor camps in
> Georgia in the 1930s. He got access to the prison system
> of Georgia and these forced labor encampments, which
> were scattered all over the place. Some of them were way
> out in the deep woods. There were turpentine camps. Some
> of them were mining camps. All incredibly harsh, brutal
> work. He got access to these as a journalist, in part,
> because the officials of Georgia had no particular shame
> in what was happening.
>
> BILL MOYERS: That's a surprising thing.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Well, and but what the picture also
> demonstrates was the level of violence and brutality,
> the venality of things that were done. And so, this kind
> of physical torture went on, on a huge scale. People
> were whipped, starved. They went without clothing. There
> were work camps where people reported that they would
> arrive looking for a lost family member, and they would
> arrive at a sawmill or a lumber camp where the men were
> working as slaves naked, chained, you know, whipped. It
> was it's just astonishing, the level of brutality.
>
> BILL MOYERS: You have a story in here of a young man who
> a teenager who spilled or poured coffee on the hog of
> the farmer he was working for. He was stripped,
> stretched across a barrel, and flogged 69 times with a
> leather strap. And he died a week later. But that's not
> a unique story in this book.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: No, that was incredibly common. And
> there were on the there were thousands and thousands of
> people who died under these circumstances over the span
> of the period that I write about in the book. And over
> and over again, it was from disease and malnutrition,
> and from outright homicide and physical abuse.
>
> BILL MOYERS: You give voice to a young man long dead,
> whose voice would never had been heard, had you not
> discovered it, resurrected it, and presented it. He's
> the chief character in this book. Green Cottenham, is
> that is.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Yes, that's right.
>
> BILL MOYERS: Tell me about Green Cottenham.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Green Cottenham was a man in the 1880s
> born to a mother and a father who, both of whom had been
> slaves, who were emancipated at the end of the Civil
> War. Imagine, a young man and a young woman who've just
> been freed from slavery. And now they have the
> opportunity to break away from the plantations where
> they'd been held, begin a new life. And so, they do.
> They marry. They have many children. Green Cottenham is
> the last of them.
>
> He's born in the 1880s, just as this terrible curtain of
> hostility and oppression is beginning to really creep
> across all of black life in the South. And by the time
> he becomes an adult, in the first years of the 20th
> century, the worst forces of the efforts to re-enslave
> black Americans are in full power across the South. And
> in the North, the allies, the white allies of the freed
> slaves, have abandoned them. And so, right at the before
> of the 20th century, whites all across America have
> essentially reached this new consensus that slavery
> shouldn't be brought back. But if African-Americans are
> returned to a state of absolute servility, that's okay.
>
> And Green Cottenham becomes an adult at exactly that
> moment. And then, in 1908, in the spring of 1908, he's
> arrested, standing outside a train station in a little
> town in Alabama. The officer who arrested him couldn't
> remember what the charge was by the time he brought him
> in front of the judge. So he's conveniently convicted of
> a different crime than the one he was originally picked
> up for. He ends up being sold three days later, with
> another group of black men, into a coal mine outside of
> Birmingham. And he survives there several months, and
> then dies under terrible circumstances.
>
> BILL MOYERS: You write, 45 years after Lincoln's
> Emancipation Proclamation, Cottenham was one of
> thousands of men working like a slave in these
> coalmines. Slope 12, you call it.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Slope number 12.
>
> BILL MOYERS: What was slope number 12?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Slope number 12 was a huge mine on the
> outskirts of Birmingham, part of a maze of mines.
> Birmingham is the fastest growing city in the country.
> Huge amounts of wealth and investment are pouring into
> the place.
>
> But there's this again, this need for forced labor. And
> the very men, the very entrepreneurs who, just before
> the Civil War, were experimenting with a kind of
> industrial slavery, using slaves in factories and
> foundries, and had begun to realize, hey, this works
> just as well as slaves out on the farm.
>
> The very same men who were doing that in the 1850s, come
> back in the 1870s and begin to reinstitute the same form
> of slavery. And Green Cottenham is one of the men, one
> of the many thousands of men who were sucked into the
> process, and then lived under these terribly brutalizing
> circumstances, this place that was filled with disease
> and malnutrition. And he dies there under terrible,
> terrible circumstances.
>
> BILL MOYERS: And you found the sunken graves five miles
> from downtown Birmingham?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: It's just miles away. In fact there
> are just two places there, because all of these mines
> now are abandoned. Everything is overgrown. There are
> almost no signs of human activity, except that if you
> dig deep into the woods, grown over there, you begin to
> see, if you get the light just right, hundreds and
> hundreds and hundreds of depressions where these bodies
> were buried.
>
> BILL MOYERS: You say that Atlanta, where you live now,
> which used to proclaim itself the finest city in the
> South, was built on the broken backs of re-enslaved
> black men.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: That's right. When I started off
> writing the book, I began to realize the degree to which
> this form of enslavement had metastasized across the
> South, and that Atlanta was one of many places where the
> economy that created the modern city, was one that
> relied very significantly on this form of coerced labor.
> And some of the most prominent families and individuals
> in the in the creation of the modern Atlanta, their
> fortunes originated from the use of this practice. And
> the most dramatic example of that was a brick factory on
> the outskirts of town that, at the turn of the century,
> was producing hundreds of thousands of bricks every
> day.The city of Atlanta bought millions and millions of
> those bricks. The factory was operated entirely with
> forced workers. And almost 100 percent black forced
> workers. There were even times that on Sunday
> afternoons, a kind of old-fashioned slave auction would
> happen, where a white man who controlled black workers
> would go out to Chattahoochee Brick and horse trade with
> the guards at Chattahoochee Brick, trading one man for
> another, or two men. And-
>
> BILL MOYERS: And yet, slavery was illegal?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: It had been illegal for 40 years. And
> this is a really important thing to me. I was stunned
> when I realized that because the city of Atlanta bought
> these millions and millions of bricks, well, those are
> the bricks that paved the downtown streets of Atlanta.
> And those bricks are still there. And so these are the
> bricks that we stand on.
>
> BILL MOYERS: Didn't this economic machine that was built
> upon forced labor, didn't these Black Codes, the way
> that black life was criminalized, didn't this put
> African-Americans at a terrific economic disadvantage
> then and now?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Absolutely. The results of those laws
> and the results of particularly enforcing them with such
> brutality through this forced labor system, the result
> of that was that African-Americans thousands and
> thousands of them worked for years and years of their
> lives with no compensation whatsoever, no ability to end
> up buying property and enjoying the mechanisms of
> accumulating wealth in the way that white Americans did.
> This was a part of denying black Americans access to
> education, denying black Americans access to basic
> infrastructure, like paved roads, the sorts of things
> that made it possible for white farmers to become
> successful.
>
> And so, yes, this whole regime of the Black Codes, the
> way that they were enforced, the physical intimidation
> and racial violence that went on, all of these were
> facets of the same coin that made it incredibly less
> likely that African-Americans would emerge out of
> poverty in the way that millions of white Americans did
> at the same time.
>
> BILL MOYERS: How is it, you and I both Southerners, how
> is it we could grow up right after this era, and be so
> unaware of what had just happened to our part of the
> country?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Well, I think there are a lot of
> explanations for that. The biggest one is simply that
> this is a history that we haven't wanted to know as a
> country. We've engaged in a in a kind of collective
> amnesia about this, particularly about the severity of
> it.
>
> And the official history of this time, the conventional
> history tended to minimize the severity of the things
> that were done again and again and again, and to focus
> instead, on the idea, on a lot of false mythologies.
> Like, this idea that freed slaves after emancipation
> became lawless and sort of went wild, and thievery, and
> all sorts of crimes being committed by African-Americans
> right after the Civil War and during Reconstruction. But
> when you go back, as I did, and look at the arrest
> records from that period of time, there's just no
> foundation for that. And the reality was there was
> hardly any crime at all. And huge numbers of people were
> being arrested on these specious charges, so they could
> be forced back into labor.
>
> BILL MOYERS: Another reason -- I just think, as you talk
> -- another reason is that anybody who raised these
> allegations or charges, or wrote about them when I was
> growing up, were dismissed as Communists. If it had been
> from The Wall Street Journal, it might have been a
> different take.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Well, I think there's some truth to
> that. Anyone who tried to raise these sorts of questions
> was at risk of complete excoriation among other white
> Southerners. But that's also what's remarkable about the
> present moment. And one of the things I've discovered in
> the course of talking about the book with people is that
> there's an openness to a conversation about these things
> that I think didn't exist even ten or 15 years ago.
>
> BILL MOYERS: What has been the response to it? Americans
> don't like to confront these pictures, these stories.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: They don't. But over and over and over
> again I've encountered people who've read the book, who
> e-mailed me, or they come up to me after I talk about it
> somewhere, particularly African-Americans, who African-
> Americans know this story in their hearts. They may not
> know the facts. They may not know exactly what the scale
> of things were. But they know in their hearts that this
> is what happened. And so, people come up to me and say,
> "Gosh, the story that my grandmother used to tell before
> she died 20 years ago, I never believed it. Because she
> would describe that she was still a slave in Georgia
> after World War II, or just before. And it never made
> sense to me. And now, it does."
>
> BILL MOYERS: It is amazing that this was happening at a
> time when many of the African-Americans retiring today,
> were children.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Were children, exactly. Exactly. And
> so, again, these are events unlike Antebellum slavery.
> These are things that connect directly to the lives and
> the shape and pattern and structure of our society
> today.
>
> BILL MOYERS: Does it explain to you why there might be
> so much anger in the black community among, let's say,
> African-Americans who are my age, 73, 74, who were
> children at the time this was still going on?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Well, there's no way that anybody can
> read this book and come away still wondering why there
> is a sort of fundamental cultural suspicion among
> African-Americans of the judicial system, for instance.
> I mean, that suspicion is incredibly well-founded. The
> judicial system, the law enforcement system of the South
> became primarily an instrument of coercing people into
> labor and intimidating blacks away from their civil
> rights. That was its primary purpose, not the punishment
> of lawbreakers. And so, yes, these events build an
> unavoidable and irrefutable case for the kind of anger
> that still percolates among many, many African-Americans
> today.
>
> BILL MOYERS: If people want to know more about not only
> your book, but about all of this, for research and so
> forth, where do they go?
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Go to my website, or the book's
> website, www.slaverybyanothername.com.
>
> BILL MOYERS: Douglas Blackmon, thanks for being with me.
>
> DOUGLAS BLACKMON: Thank you for having me.
>
> _____________________________________________
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